アメリカ研究会 特別招聘講演会(夕食研究会以外予約不要)
日時:2013年11月22日(金)13:00〜14:30
場所:大阪大学箕面キャンパスE棟3階学術交流室
http://www.osaka-u.ac.jp/ja/access/accessmap.html#map03(アクセスマップ)
http://www.osaka-u.ac.jp/ja/access/minoh.html(キャンパスマップ)(#7の建物の3階)
講師:Gustafsson Karl先生 (Research fellow, Swedish Institute of International Affairs)
http://www4.lu.se/upload/Syd_och_sydostasienstudier/research/CV_Karl_Gustafsson.pdf
講演題目:Has China’s Power Increased with its Rise?
講演用ペーパーがございます。参加者には事前配布させていただきますので、ご一報いただければ幸いです(ご講演は参考文献を読んでいるという前提で進められます)。
(講演要旨)
The
idea that China’s rise is producing a power shift in East Asia is widely
discussed both in academia, media and political circles. The power shift is
often understood as involving an increased power on behalf of China and a
decrease in the power of Japan and/or the United States. But has China’s power
increased with its rise? If we approach this question on the basis of the
conventional realist understanding of power as material capabilities it should
be obvious that China’s power has indeed increased significantly both in terms
of economic and military capabilities. That the possession of capabilities
necessarily leads to a greater influence over other actors is often uncritically
accepted. Yet, such an understanding can (and ought to) be problematized. The
important question to ask is arguably whether China’s boosted material
capabilities has increased its capacity to produce
effects. While conventional wisdom in the study of international politics
would suggest that an increase in the possession of material capabilities on
the behalf of a state ought to strengthen its ability to produce effects this
proposition needs to be tested empirically.
The presentation addresses
the question of whether China’s ability to produce effects has increased with
its rise through an analysis of discursive power, i.e. the ability to produce
effects through the use of discourse. China’s use of war history in
Sino-Japanese relations is arguably the most conspicuous example of discursive
power in the bilateral relationship and is therefore used as a case study. Has
China’s rise, as might be expected, increased its ability to use the past
politically and thereby produce effects? To answer this question, the presentation
introduces a three-level theory of the use of discursive power to influence
other actors. The three levels analysed are the
domestic, bilateral and international levels.
Contrary to what might
be assumed, the presentation demonstrates that the Chinese government’s ability
to use discourses about the past for political purposes in Sino-Japanese
relations was actually greater before its alleged rise. The more the Chinese
government has attempted to use discourses about the past, the more it has
enabled other actors to promote their agendas. Domestically, the Chinese
government was able to increase its legitimacy by emphasizing war history. Yet,
its heavy reliance on war memory for legitimacy has subsequently made it
possible for activists to argue for a more hard-line
approach against Japan that arguably limits the government’s foreign policy
options. Bilaterally, the Chinese government used to be able to produce
substantial effects in the form of Official Development Aid (ODA) and other
concessions from Japan through reference to war history. However, it seems is
no longer able to produce such effects. Instead, the use of what in Japan is often
described as ‘anti-Japanese’ history education has contributed to enabling
discussions about Japanese foreign policy reform. Internationally, the Japanese
government has started to challenge recent Chinese attempts to use the past for
public diplomacy purposes through similar appeals to the international
community.
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ペーパーおよび夕食研究会予約連絡先:杉田米行 sugita@lang.osaka-u.ac.jp